穆塔力浦被新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅非法扣押的个人物品清单

穆塔力浦被新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅非法扣押的个人物品清单已关闭评论

作者:穆塔力浦•伊明

【开头语】我,穆塔力浦•伊明(Mutellip Imin)从2013年7月15日至10月1日遭新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅非法关押。10月1日,我被警方送回家,但众多个人证件及物品未被归还,至今没有得到任何赔偿或解释。下面是被扣物品清单:

一,证件

1、身份证

2009年3月由北京市公安局海淀分局签发,有效期至2019年3月3日。

10月1日,被送回家途中由警方扣留。

负责人:艾力(和田,联系电话:18999655110)

扣押理由:“受新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅安排”

2、护照

2010年4月由北京市公安局出入境管理处签发,有效期至2020年4月13日。

扣押理由:无

负责人:迪里夏提、克里木和阿布杜巴日(乌鲁木齐,联系电话:13209929440)

3、土耳其暂住证

2012年10月由伊斯坦布尔市公安局签发,上印有效期至2013年10月15日,即该日前我有权在中国和土耳其两国之间自由流动。此证须在上述日前前续期。

扣押理由及负责人与“护照”相同。

4、土耳其语等级证书

2013年由伊斯坦布尔大学语言中心颁发,等级为C1(高级土耳其语)

扣押理由及负责人与“护照”相同

二,电子及通讯物品

5、笔记本电脑

宏基,黑色;2012年1月以3500元的价格在北京购买。里面存有个人学习资料,私人照片、视频,上大学以来收集的论文、书籍、纪录片、电影等。

2013年7月15日凌晨被首都国际机场海关警察开机检查;同日下午跟我一起被带到乌鲁木齐,被公安厅人员克里木跟开机密码一起带走。

扣押理由:“你的电脑跟你一起参与了网上言论的写作和发布,在家期间由我们看管。”(克里木的原话)

负责人:迪里夏提,克里木和阿布杜巴日(乌鲁木齐,联系电话:13209929440)

(注:电脑里并没有存有非法资料,被审讯过程中也没有被问到电脑相关的问题。)

6,联想(黑色,4G容量)U盘一枚,三星读卡器一个。

7、手机卡两张
中国移动(北京)卡一张;
土耳其TURKCELL卡一张。

内存有联系人电话号码。

三、损失的钱款

8、机票两张

2013年7月15日,北京至伊斯坦布尔,6320元购买;
2013年9月22日,北京至伊斯坦布尔(是7月6日伊斯坦布尔至北京的飞机票之往返票,总价4500元)如今,两张机票均过期。

关于机票的赔偿,当事人迪里夏提和克里木一直到8月末都曾表示,“我们会给你赔偿,不要担心,赔你的6千多块,新疆维吾尔自治区不会变穷……”

9、中国农业银行卡一张

7月15日被警方登记带走,10月1日未被返还,索要时当事人称可能丢失,并叫我以后补办。但因为没有身份证,至今未能取钱。

10、土耳其奖学金之每月生活补助((+6个月)×750里拉)
……

【结束语】以上是我本应该合法拥有但因新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅的非法行径而未到手的物品。虽然有些物品可以弥补回来,但其意义不同,这里存在权利和尊严问题。因为那些东西不是被小偷偷走或者我不慎丢失,而是被公安执法人员活生生的从我手里带走且没有任何法律依据。我国《宪法》规定,法律面前人人平等,因此强烈要求剥夺我个人财产的公安人员也受法律制裁,无条件归还被扣证件及物品,并依法赔偿相关损失。

2013年12月23日,于和田洛浦

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Xinjiang Public Security Department Called for Respect and Protection of Human Rights

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Today is the 65th International Human Rights Day. United Nations General Assembly passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on December 10, 1948. On this special and important day, I call for the Public Security Department of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region to stop violating my legal rights and show respect for basic human rights.

I, Mutellip Imin, from Lop County of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, am the master student of IstanbulUniversity, majoring in Sociology. I was illegally intercepted by the customs police of BeijingCapitalInternationalAirport in the name of ‘criminal detention’, on my way back school on July 15, 2013. Officers from the Public Security Department of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region deported me to Urumqi, where I was interrogated and held in three different hotels for 79days, without any legal procedure or notifying my family.

On October 1, I was sent home by police, but my identity documents like Chinese ID Card, Passport, and valuable items like laptop were detained, none of which has been returned to me until now. In these nearly 150 days, my freedom, legitimate rights and interests have been infringed continuously. What’s worse, since all of my identity documents are still in the hands of security officers, my rights to travel and continue education are seriously violated.

Article 9 of the UDHR says, “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.” Article 11 of this declaration also says, “Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trail at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defense.” Customs Polices took me into custody in the name of ‘criminal detention’, assisting polices from Xinjiang, which is not only against the UDHR, but also forbidden in the laws of PRC.

Law of the People’s Republic of China on Resident Identity Cards (Article 15) says, “No organization or individual may seize any resident identity card.’

In Articles 12 and 13 of the UDHR, there are sayings that “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks”, “(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. (2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.”

In 2012, I got an offer from Turkish Scholarships, which are for the students from all around the world. I finished all legal procedure and examination before went to IstanbulUniversity last year. Now, the school where I was to continue my master study in sociology has started lessons for three months, but I am still ‘trapped’ at home, unable to enjoy my rights to travel or education.

Recently, I have been writing online complaint letter to State Compliant Acceptance Office, Public Security Department of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, Public Security Ministry of PRC and other 10 departments, but have not received any reply until now. On December 1, I went to Police Station of Buya Village in LopCounty, where my family live, but police officers refused my request to investigate on these things, saying “you don’t have enough evidence and your household is not here. You have to go to Beijing since the place you registered your household is Beijing.” I also went to the Petition Handling Office in Public Security Bureau of Hotan Prefecture on December 6, but also in vain. A police numbered 170031 said, “You have to go to Urumqi for more details.” However, I cannot leave Hotan legally since my ID card is being detained.

China is one of the countries which signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Being a part of the People’s Republic of China, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region also has the obligation to carry out the contents of the UDHR.

On the International Day of Human Rights in 2013, I call for the Public Security Department of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region to stop violating my legal rights and show respect for human rights.

Mutellip Imin

December 10, 2013

My personal appeals in four different languages:

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Chinese: The Public Security Department of Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region Called for Respect and Protection of Human Rights.

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Uighur: I want my legitimate rights and interests to be protected by law.

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Turkish: I want my education right. Please security officials return my ID card, passport…

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English: Human Rights for the victims of Enforced Disappearances!

世界人权日:呼吁新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅尊重和保障人权

世界人权日:呼吁新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅尊重和保障人权已关闭评论

穆塔力浦·伊明

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呼吁新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅尊重和保障人权!

12月10日是第65届世界人权日,也是联合国大会于1948年12月10日通过《世界人权宣言》的纪念日。在这重要的日子,我再次呼吁中国新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅停止侵犯我的合法权益、尊重和保障基本人权。

我,穆塔力浦·伊明,来自新疆维吾尔自治区洛浦县,是土耳其伊斯坦布尔大学在读社会学硕士。2013年7月15日凌晨,我在返校途中遭北京首都国际机场海关警察以“刑拘”的名义非法拦截,随后被新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅人员遣送到乌鲁木齐审讯,并在没有任何法律手续或通知家属的情况下被关押在三家不同的宾馆,时间长达79天。

5我要我的合法权益得到保障!

10月1日,我被警方送回家,但身份证、护照等身份证件,以及电脑等贵重物品被公安厅人员扣留,至今任何一件未被退还给我。因此,在这150天的日子里,我的人身自由、合法权益持续遭侵犯,另外被放后身份证件一直处于被扣押的状态,个人出行、继续受教育等也受严重影响。

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2013-12-09 16.38.11
我要我的受教育权!请警方退还我的身份证、护照…

《世界人权宣言》第九条规定,“任何人不得加以任意逮捕、拘禁或放逐。”另外,《宣言》第十一条有这样的内容,“凡受刑事控告者,在未经获得辩护上所需的一切保证的公开审判而依法证实有罪以前,有权被视为无罪。”海关警察协助新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅以“刑拘”的名义抓捕我的行为不仅违背了《世界人权宣言》,也不符合中华人民共和国相关法律程序。

《中华人民共和国居民身份证法》(2011年修正版)第十五条规定,“任何组织或者个人不得扣押居民身份证”。

《世界人权宣言》第十二条和第十三条分别规定,“任何人的私生活、家庭、住宅和通信不得任意干涉,他的荣誉和名誉不得加以攻击。人人有权享受法律保护,以免受这种干涉或攻击。”,“㈠ 人人在各国境内有权自由迁徙和居住。㈡ 人人有权离开任何国家,包括其本国在内,并有权返回他的国家。”

2012年,我考获了土耳其政府奖学金(Turkish Scholarships),通过各项考核和检查后依法赴土耳其伊斯坦布尔大学留学。如今,我所在的大学开学已经三个月了,但我依然在家,无法享受我应得的奖学金和受教育的权利。

近段时间来,我已经向国家投诉受理办公室、新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅、公安部等10个部门写信进行网上投诉,但至今没有得到任何回复。我还去所在乡派出所反映情况,工作人员表示无法立案调查,因为“证据不足”。12月6日,我前往和田地区公安局信访办公室要求查清事件,接待我的警察却称“此事应由公安厅负责受理”,叫我去乌鲁木齐上访。但是,因为身份证件被扣押着,我无法离开和田。

中国是《世界人权宣言》签署国之一。新疆维吾尔自治区作为中华人民共和国的一部分,也应该实施该宣言内容。

2013年世界人权日,我再次呼吁新疆维吾尔自治区公安厅停止侵害我的合法权益,尊重和保重人权。

 

 穆塔力浦·伊明(Mutellip Imin)

 2013年12月10日

I Was a Victim of Enforced Disappearance for 79 Days

I Was a Victim of Enforced Disappearance for 79 Days已关闭评论

By Mutellip Imin(穆塔力浦·伊明)

 2013-12-09 16.38.11

My name is Mutellip Imin. I am from Lop County in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region of China. From July 15 to October 1, 2013, I was incarcerated by the Xinjiang police in three different hotels, without any legal procedures.

On the evening of July 14, 2013, I arrived at Capital International Airdrome in Beijing and went to the ticket counter to check in for my flight from Beijing to Istanbul. The ticket agent told me to wait and left with my passport. I was waiting for an hour until I was taken to the Airdrome police station where my backpack and PC were inspected. The customs agents told me that there were no suspicious items found in my belongings and that I would not miss my flight to Istanbul. I was, however, retained at the police station until two police officers came to inform me that I was wanted by the police in Xinjiang.

My passport, cell phone, Turkish residency permit, and my Turkish language proficiency certificate were all taken by the police, and I was handcuffed and brought to the repatriate center near the Airdrome. On the way, I begged the officers to let me contact my loved ones.  They refused even to send my girlfriend, Atikem, a message that I was incarcerated. They told me I would be able to contact my relatives when I got back to Xinjiang.

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After I was booked at the repatriate center, I was locked in a small room and put under surveillance. I was woken twice in the night, the first time to be fingerprinted and the second time to be taken to meet with some people from Xinjiang. They had my belongings in a mess on the floor and were reading a letter to my girlfriend. There was a Uighur among them.

“Are you doing this in accordance with the law?” I asked him.

“Yes, we are doing this in accordance with the law,” he said.

“With what law?”

“The law of the People’s Republic of China.”

“What law did I break?”

“Someone will tell you when you get back to Xinjiang.”

On July 15, at around 6 am, we set off by plane on our way to Urumqi. I was accompanied by two Han Chinese and a Uighur. They did not give their names or tell me what roles they had in the case. I assumed they were police.

It was about 1:30 in the afternoon when we arrived in Urumqi. I was brought to a room at the Ili Hotel(伊犁大酒店), and the three men told me that if I was on my best behavior when the police chief was there, this would all soon be over. I saw them write, “Xinjiang Public Security Police Penal Spy, Second Detachment.” By their writing, I determined that they were from Xinjiang.

Later, the police chief came into the room with a stack of several hundred pages he said were about my case and distributed them among the three men. Then they forced me to give them the passwords of my cell phone, PC, email, WeChat, Twitter, Facebook, QQ, etc. They even demanded the administrator password of Uighur Online (www.uighurbiz.net) website which Mr. Ilham Tohti had created to bring harmony between Uighurs and Han Chinese. As the password had changed when I was outside of China, I did not know the new password. They did not believe me and would continue to ask me for the password several times a day.

Starting on July 16, they took notes. They asked me mainly about my relationship with Ilham Tohti, how I knew him, and Uighuronline. I told them that I had attended his classes and helped him translate some news about Xinjiang from Uighur and English to Chinese. I wrote articles about making the Noruz festival a legal holiday, Han Chinese students living in Xinjiang, the incident on April 23 when a number of Uighurs were killed, and Uighur education in Xinjiang. I also helped manage the Facebook and Twitter accounts of the newer version of Uighuronline: Uighurbiz.net.

In 2010, I started dating Atikem. We attended classes and lectures together. On her Sina MicroBlog, named Uyghuray, she wrote about her failed attempts to get a Chinese passport.

During my military service, I made an acquaintanceship with Parhat Xalmurat who was a graduate student at Minzu University of China and wrote his graduate thesis on bilingual education. Parhat was a Minkaohan (a Uighur student who is educated as a Han Chinese beginning in childhood). I, therefore, helped him with his Uighur language skills. He had a good relationship with Ilham Tohti. He joined the Uighuronline translation group as a volunteer.

While attending Ilham Tohti’s classes, I met a number of other Uighur scholars.

In the room at the Ili Hotel in July of 2013, I told the police all about my acquaintanceships with Uighur and Han Chinese people.

The police chief asked me, “Do you know anybody working for any overseas organizations?”

“No,” I said.

“And what about for the East Turkistan organization in Turkey?”

“No, I’ve just heard of a few names in the media, but I don’t have any connection with them.”

On the morning of July 18, I signed my name and gave my fingerprints. The officers told me that they wanted me to wait for a few days while my case was being discussed. In that hotel room, I was under 24-hour surveillance until the next day, but I was regularly interrogated and remained confined in there until July 31 when I was taken to the Snowlotus Hotel(雪莲精品酒店) where I was again put under 24-hour surveillance. They asked me questions about my applying for a scholarship in Turkey.

I still wasn’t able to contact any friends or family. By this time, I was experiencing mood swings.

Finally, on August 10, I was given a cell phone and allowed to call my loved ones. They dialed my girlfriend’s number, put the phone on speaker, and set the phone down on a chair. I felt great tension when she asked me whether there were police officers around me. This feeling was exacerbated after I got off the phone and the police told me to call her back and tell her that I had actually been free and with friends for a long time.

We soon learned that someone in Beijing had informed my family that I was incarcerated. The police then became angry and withdrew their permission to let me talk to my family.

On August 11, they said I would be able to go free in a few days. I waited and waited. August 30, the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, came and went. On August 31, the police made me write a statement of my “wrongdoings.”

On September 3, three men with video recording equipment came. They looked at the statement I had written and then added the following: “My eyes were blinded by Ilham Tohti, and I defied my countries religious policy and played a very bad role on the Internet. Helping to maintain and develop Uighuronline was my essential fault. I also acted badly by broadcasting words that threaten the harmony among groups of people in China.” I was made to sign and fingerprint this statement. I was then forced to read it in Uyghur and in Chinese while they video recorded me. Then, they had me swear before the Chinese flag: “By this corrective measure, I will abide by the law…” I raised objections, but they threatened to send me to jail for a year or two if I did not cooperate.

After the recording, they told me I would be able to go back to my hometown of Hotan around September 7 or 8 after the Euro-Asian Exhibition and that I could fly to Turkey around the 15th of September. On September 10, they told me I still had to wait, and I would be let go around October 1. They said I could call my family but instructed me to lie to them by saying I was actually in Turkey. I was to tell them that school affairs prevented me from contacting them and that my being seized by Xinjiang police was just a fabrication of Xinjiang separation activists.

When I finally called my family, I did not say that I was in Turkey or that Xinjiang separation activists made up a lie about my incarceration. After I got off the phone, the police explained that the lies were intended to make my family feel at ease and that I would benefit from complying with their instructions. They instructed me to contact my family again using Skype. They listened in while I spoke to them. When my family asked me where I was, I gave them an indirect answer. They were unsatisfied.

On September 12, I was moved to the Fulihua Hotel(富丽华大酒店). I was again put on 24-hour surveillance. The police allowed me to call my school in Turkey to explain why I was absent. They wanted me to tell the administration that I was staying in Xinjiang because my mother was sick. I, of course, wanted to tell them the truth. As it turned out, I was unable to connect with the administration, but I was able to speak to a teacher. The police had a Turkish speaker listen in on our conversation. They did not allow me to say anything about being seized by the police.

In exchange for my cooperation, the police allowed me to contact my roommate in Turkey so that he could help me register for the fall courses at the Turkish university as I was unable to do this using the Internet in China. They let me use the Internet to contact him, but when I tried to open my email account, I found that someone had changed my password, so I had to create a new account. These efforts turned out to be in vain because I missed the deadline for registration.

By October, there was still no evidence of release or possibility of being able to go back to school. So I wrote a letter expressing my impatience to an official. On the morning of September 29, the police chief came and told me I could go back home on the 30th and that I could go to Istanbul around the 8th of October, but I never saw the police chief again. I just remained in the hotel room, isolated.

In the afternoon of the 30th, I was visited by a commander who was very emphatic about my avoiding contact with my girlfriend and Iham Tohti.

The day finally came. It was October 1. They brought me my wallet, cell phone, and other things, but not my Turkish language proficiency certificate, Turkish residency permit, flash drive, SIM card, PC, or passport. They said those items would be kept in storage. In addition, I was forced to take their 1000 RMB. They gave me a new SIM card and the number of the person who would pick me up when I arrived in Hotan. My flight to Hotan landed around 6 pm that day. On the way home, one of the two officers confiscated my ID card as per the request of the police chief in Urumqi.

During my 79-day enforced disappearance, I lived in a state of constant torment. I was unable to contact my family to let them know of my whereabouts. All communication with the outside world was severed. My mother had a heart condition that I could know nothing about. I couldn’t talk to anyone, not even during Ramadan.

However, more than 2 months passed after I was sent home and I got nothing back from the police. They all have been refusing to answer my phone calls or online letters. Without ID card or passport, I could not leave my hometown, not to say going back Turkey to continue my master study in Istanbul University.

On International Human Rights Day, I strongly demand  human rights for all the victims of enforced disappearances, including me.

Mutellip Imin

December 10, 2013

(Contact me via mutellipimin@gmail.com or Skype:mutellipimin)

维吾尔语的处境预示着又一次文化破坏的大浪潮?

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作者:Mutellip Imin(独立媒体人)

在中国维吾尔自治区,生活着一千多万维吾尔族,维吾尔语是官方语言之一。但最近几年,尤其是推行所谓的“双语教育”政策以来,维吾尔语边缘化趋势越 来越严重。在如今的维吾尔自治区,维吾尔语不仅在教育领域受到排斥,而且在社会各个领域不被重视,路标、店牌、指示牌等重要位置的维吾尔语言文字被严重忽 略。

维吾尔在线曾报道维吾尔语言文字在路牌、招牌、店牌上消失或使用错误的情况,现笔者将呈现维吾尔语严重被忽略的几个典型例子:

1. 药店门牌

图中维吾尔文汉译是“今生缘(音)抓饭”,而 下面汉文写道:鸿玺堂大药房。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

2. 火车站

图中维吾尔文为“卫生间”,而下面的汉文及英文说的是“补票处”。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

3.铁路指示牌

图中虽然显示是的维吾尔文字,但其实是汉语“铁路线路安全保护区”的音译,即其读音,根本不是维吾尔文。没有学过汉语的维吾尔人无法看懂这个指示牌。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

4. 公路指示牌

上图表明这是“事故多发地段,谨慎驾驶”指示牌,但其维吾尔文语序错误,跟汉文字字对应,而维吾尔文是从右写到左。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

5. 银行

图中维吾尔文汉译:无服务银行服务,而其实这是“24小时自助银行服务”。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

6. 店牌

图中维吾尔文汉译:百合提古丽美容美发中心,而下面的汉文写道:建材销售中心。美容美发中心与建材销售中心怎么能扯到一块儿呢?(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

7. 门牌

图中维吾尔文写道:红油路;汉语是“红山路”。(图片来源:维吾尔在线)

那么,为什么会出现如此低级而严重的错误呢?

就此问题,笔者跟一名曾在乌鲁木齐、南维(指维吾尔自治区南部)地区学习并工作过的维吾尔族博士进行交流。他表示,这是因为制作广告、店牌的人几乎 是不懂维吾尔文的汉族。为什么不给懂维吾尔语和汉语的维吾尔人制作呢?他表示,虽然在维吾尔自治区各地有技术、能力方面符合要求的维吾尔族业内人士,但这 行业市场几乎全被汉人所掌控,因为政府部门定做这些标牌就去找汉族店商。

他还提到,因为负责张贴那些标牌的也是汉人,经常会出现弄错维吾尔文字的情况,而无人追究他们的责任。此外,“几年前在各地搞‘两基’工程时,要求南维各校制作挂牌,对汉语的要求很严格,哪怕有一点小错误就会被摘下,而没人管维吾尔语是否标准,”他回忆道。

但是笔者认为,这只是该问题的表层,根本原因在于维吾尔语不断被边缘化,维吾尔语的地位越来越低。在维吾尔自治区,维吾尔语被淡化,弱化、边缘化的 趋势已经很严重。维吾尔语在教育、行政、司法等诸多领域处于不断被边缘化的境地。作为新疆维吾尔自治区的官方语言之一,维吾尔语长期以来并未得到足够的尊 重与重视,维吾尔语应有的法律地位也未得到保障。这才是之所以出现上述低级错误的根本原因。

根据《新疆维吾尔自治区语言文字工作条例》规定,维吾尔自治区的自治机关执行职务时,同时使用维吾尔、汉两种语言文字。《条例》第九条还规定,公共 场所、公用设施以及从事公共服务,凡需要使用文字的名称标牌、公益广告、界牌、指路标志、交通标志和车辆上印写的单位名称、安全标语,区内生产并在区内销 售的产品的名称、说明书等,都应当同时使用规范的维吾尔文字、汉字和其他少数民族语言文字。

此外,根据《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》、《中华人民共和国国家通用语言文字法》及其他有关法律、法规维吾尔语言文字在维吾尔自治区与汉语有相同的法律地位。

但维吾尔自治区当局却对这些法律规定视而不见,与其背道而行。可以说《中华人民共和国民族区域自治法》《新疆维吾尔自治区语言文字工作条例》等法律、法规在维吾尔自治区早已成为摆设。

我们来看看内蒙古自治区在这方面是怎么做的。内蒙古自治区依据《内蒙古自治区蒙古语言文字工作条例》等法律、法规对蒙汉两种文字并用工作进行集中检 查整顿,并对无蒙文字、蒙文错字、乱译、错译、乱写、乱刻的,蒙汉文书写比例失调等现象进行查处,对不达标的路牌、牌匾等进行拆除,并勒令整改。很显然, 内蒙古自治区在这方面做得要好很多。

维吾尔文化长期以来一直在遭到破坏,早有文革时期的语言政策给维吾尔文化带来过沉重的打击和破坏,而近年来针对维吾尔文化的破坏更是越来越系统化, 范围也越来越广泛,如喀什噶尔老城区被强制性的拆除,维吾尔人的宗教自由遭到限制和打压等等。如今维吾尔语不断被边缘化的现实不得不让人产生疑问:难道维 吾尔语现在的处境预示着又一次文化破坏的大浪潮?

语言是文化的载体,语言是一个民族的灵魂。维吾尔自治区政府部门无视维吾尔语,实际上是对维吾尔民族及其文化的极大的排斥和不尊重。作为自治民族, 维吾尔人在自己的故土看到母语如此不被尊重,他们的内心感受是可以感受的。请不要跟维吾尔人的母语开玩笑,因为有此带来的后果是谁也无法承受的!【维吾尔在线首发】

“新疆籍华裔留学生”:认同与被认同之惑

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作者:Mutellip Imin(独立媒体人)

3月24日中新网登出了一篇题为“新疆籍华裔青少年艺术类学生培训班开班”的新闻。新闻中“新疆籍华裔留学生”一词引起了我的注意,读来读去都很不顺畅,以为自己看错了还特意摘下眼镜再看了几遍,发现没有看错,更何况新闻来源是中新网,用词都会很讲究。

新闻是这样开头的“近日,新疆籍华裔青少年艺术类留学生开学典礼在位于乌鲁木齐市的新疆艺术学院举行”。因为我对融“新疆籍”、“华裔”、“在新疆上学”于一身的人特别感兴趣,继续往下读新闻。读了几遍我找到了两个关键信息:新疆艺术学院曾为哈萨克斯坦维吾尔文化中心培养了20名艺术类学生;本次将要培养的是来自吉尔吉斯斯坦的20名“新疆籍华裔青少年”。松了口气,绕来绕去他们说的“新疆籍华裔留学生”指的是来自以上两个国家的新疆跨国民族(新闻中没提,据我猜测是维吾尔族)。

但总觉得不对劲儿,我还重新查了一下“华裔”这词的含义:华裔现代是指华侨在侨居国所生并取得侨居国国籍的子女,也可指华夏族的后裔;籍贯,即祖籍地是一个家族族群认定的某一时期的某一位祖先的出生地。一些已经离开了祖先的出生地或已经离开了家乡的人,他们的后代,仍然追溯祖先的出生地或祖先的家乡(即祖籍)来作为自己籍贯。(百度百科)

这样的话,“新疆籍华裔”可以这样理解:祖先曾经在新疆生活过,但出生之前父母已经迁移到他国并且拥有他国国籍的中国(华)人。哦,原来是这样啊!

因为我们平时听到都是“美籍华裔”,“德籍华裔”,“英籍华裔”等这类词,而且以上几个词组中“籍”都指国籍,所以一听“新疆籍华裔”给人感觉新疆是分别于中国的一个国家。

这也是我起初想不同的的原因,我一直认为如果是新疆籍不可能是华裔,因为目前新疆维吾尔自治区是中华人民共和国的一部分,而不是上面所说的“侨居国”;同样,如果是华裔不可能是新疆籍(除非有双重国籍),因为“华裔”一词已经表明人家不是中华人民共和国国籍的了。

到此算是终于把逻辑弄清楚了,但一不注意我还会坚持认为“新疆籍华裔”这话逻辑有问题。

通过查阅资料发现,“新疆籍华裔”并非头一次出现在媒体用语当中。2010年,国务院侨务办公室和维吾尔自治区外(侨)办还组织来自巴基斯坦、土耳其、哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦等5个国家的海外新疆籍侨胞子女进行夏令营活动,参挂了北京和新疆。我想问:如果他们在“新疆”能找到归属感,他们不会来自己的故乡观光探亲吗?目前的情况是在中国的维吾尔人很难申请护照,很难出国留学、旅游或探亲;侨居在海外的维吾尔人因拿不到中国入境签证而无法正常回故乡。

那么,官方媒体为何使用这类超乎常人思维的词汇呢?这个我不用回答,上面“理清逻辑”的过程已经让大家明白其意图了。无非就是字里行间重申新疆是中华人民共和国一部分,并且强调只要在“新疆”这块土地上生活过的人都是“华人”。

但值得注意的是,“籍贯”这词强调的是一种国家认同问题,而“裔”这词强调的是其族源。在没有了解对方国家认同是什么的情况下,强加给他不愿意接受的身份,是种蛮横无理、霸权主义的行为。个人认为,“美籍维吾尔裔留学生”,“土耳其籍维吾尔人”,“哈萨克斯坦籍维吾尔裔学者”这类的称呼更合乎情理,也会被普遍接受。

我相信,不管是在国内还是国外生活的维吾尔人,他们更多的认同自己是维吾尔人,而不是中国人。维吾尔在线2010年的关于国家认同问题的调查结果也可以证明我这种看法。“维吾尔人高中毕业生中97.87%的人认为中国不是我的国家”(详情点击)。

近年来,中国政府在很多国家颁发“新疆籍学生奖学金”,旨在让他们感受到“祖国的温暖和惦记”。此事曾被不少人批评为“意图不正”。

我认为官方媒体要做的是更多让维吾尔等少数民族在中国感受到一种归属感,而不是一味的排斥或拒绝报道他们真实的情况。同时,新疆政府也应该做出令本土民族满意的事情,而不是不断地压制和侵犯他们的人权,在文化、语言、经济等方面越来越使他们边缘化,因为这样做只能带来更多的不满和国家认同感的下降,“新疆籍华裔”也只留在媒体用词中。

对此,公开倡导维吾尔族权益的学者伊力哈木·土赫提(Ilham Tohti)曾阐述认为,“中国维吾尔人这个词意味着:我们是中国籍的维吾尔人,但不是华人(汉族朋友最大的误会啊);事实上,中国不一定是汉人啊!维吾尔人跟其他中国人如汉人等的差别很明显,不同的人种,不同的语言,文化,宗教习俗和历史。我常听到:你不说我们都不知道你是中国人。是的,很多时候民族冲突和矛盾是政府搞出来的,愚蠢的官方媒体搞出来的”。【维吾尔在线首发】

建议将诺鲁孜节定为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日

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作者:Mutellip Imin
诺鲁孜节,是新疆维吾尔自治区维吾尔、哈萨克、柯尔克孜、乌兹别克、塔吉克等民族的传统节日,有三千多年的历史。但至今,诺鲁孜节在新疆维吾尔自治区没有法律地位。

新疆维吾尔自治区人大代表提出过将诺鲁孜节定为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日的提案;前段时间,这项提议在网上讨论得也很火,几乎所有人都同意将诺鲁孜节定为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日。

维吾尔在线2006年开始呼吁给诺鲁孜节获得法律地位。但由于过去新疆的政治环境,该问题始终没有得到解决。

现在,在两会召开之际,我借此机会谨代表我本人、维吾尔在线的网友们以及其他维吾尔族同胞,再次呼吁将诺鲁孜节定为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日。

在新疆维吾尔自治区,诺鲁孜节不仅是维吾尔人的节日,哈萨克、柯尔克孜、乌兹别克、塔塔尔等民族也庆祝诺鲁孜节。从世界范围讲,每年3月21日巴尔干地区、黑海盆地、高加索、中亚、中东等地区的许多民族都会庆祝诺鲁孜节,将其视为新一年的开始

2010年2月23日第71次全体会议上,联合国教育、科学及文化组织大会于2009年9月30日将诺鲁孜节列入《人类非物质文化遗产代表作名录》。联大在2010年通过决议,将每年的3月21日设为国际诺鲁孜节。2011年3月21日,联合国秘书长潘基文发表致词,呼吁世界各地的人们将诺鲁孜节的精神发扬光大,互尊互谅,和谐共处。

将诺鲁孜节定新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日会带来很多好处。诺鲁孜节成为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日对发扬民族文化、创造多元文化环境、促进民族团结、新疆的稳定与发展带来积极的促进作用,

我相信,诺鲁孜节离成为新疆维吾尔自治区法定节假日已经不远了。【维吾尔在线首发】

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